Temporal/Locative WHs and Null-P Incorporation

Language, Information and Computation(PACLIC 11), 1996, 267-276 Temporal/Locative WHs and Null-P Incorporation* Tien-Hsin Hsin University of Connecticut tih94001@uconnvm.uconn.edu Abstract This paper is an investigation on the categorial status of locative and temporal WHs. We argue, based on empirical data, for the null P hypothesis proposed by Huang (1982), and against the proposal of Murasugi and Saito (1992) that when and where are sentential arguments. We suggest that the problem raised in Murasugi and Saito (1992) for the null P analysis can be solved by the null P incorporation hypothesis. We further address the issues related to the applications of the P incorporation. 1. Introduction The categorial status of locative and temporal WHs has been of some interest in investigations in the literature. In the next section we will review two theories bearing on this issue. Huang (1982) assumes a phonetically null P in order to explain the argument-like pattern of when and where observed in covert movement, while Murasugi and Saito (1992) propose, instead of this null P, that when and where are actually arguments of the sentence. We point out in Section 2.3 that Murasugi and Saito's analysis is inadequate in handling some data related to overt movement, such as relativization. We thus suggest maintaining Huang's null P hypothesis. Nevertheless, the examples given by Murasugi and Saito indeed pose a problem for Huang's null P theory. The goal of this paper is to look for an analysis so that we can preserve the null P on the one hand, and give a plausible account for the relevant examples in question. The answer, we believe, lies in an LF process, the Null-P incorporation, which we discuss in detail in Section 3. 2. On the distribution of temporal and locative WHs 2.1 Huang (1982) One of the curious generalizations reported in Huang (1982) is about the categorial status of locative and temporal WH-phrases. Huang observes that in Chinese when nali 'where' and shemeshihou 'when' undergo LF movement, they behave like arguments rather than adjuncts. The following examples involve a WH-phrase in- situ within the Complex NP. 267 (1) a. ni du guo [NP [cp shei� xie� de] shu] you read-ASP� who write DE book 'You read the book who wrote?' b. ni du guo [NP [cP Lisi zai nali xie� de] shu] you read-ASP� Lisi at where write DE book 'You read the book Lisi wrote where?' c. ni du guo [NP [cp Lisi shemeshihou� xie de] shu] you read-ASP� Lisi when� write DE book 'You read the book Lisi wrote when?' d.*ni du guo [NP [cp Lisi weisheme� you read-ASP�Lisi why�xie de] shu] write DE book 'You read the book that Lisi wrote why?' The generalization is that argument WHs such as shei 'who' in (la) can occur within an island, whereas adjunct WHs like weisheme 'why' in (1d) cannot. Huang argues that (lb,c) are well-formed because nali 'where' and shemeshihou 'when' appear in the categorial position of [pp P [NP ], where the prepositions can be phonetically null. Thus, …

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