On Argument-Adjunct Asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese

On Argument-Adjunct Asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese Li-Chi Lee Chen Graduate Institute of Linguistics National Tsing Hua University Address for Correspondence: P. O. Box 2-292 Hsinchu, Hsinchu City 300, Taiwan, R. O. C. E-Mail: g924706@oz.nthu.edu.tw Abstract This study attempts to account for the argument-adjunct asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese. Such an asymmetry is empirically demonstrated by a language-particular phenomenon, so-called shi-support, which is also the last resort (Chomsky, 1995a) of our linguistic mechanism. In the current related literature, shi-support is obligatory for wh-arguments but optional for wh-adjuncts (Wang, 2002). However, I argue that at the PF level shi-support is even optional for wh-arguments; that is, it is only needed in the derivation at the LF level. My analysis is crucially based on CLM’s (1995) insightful analysis of LF Copying Theory. Departing from their analysis in crucial respects, however, I argue that a covert wh-movement also takes place simultaneously with the operation of copying the antecedent IP. For reasons of economy, such a non-overt movement is preferred and is of the least efforts (Procrastinate). In addition, evidence from shi-support argues that Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese prefers LF copying rather than PF deletion. To sum up, shi-support is compulsory for wh-arguments in that the ECP (Empty Category Principle) requirement must be satisfied at the LF level owning to the intervening “barriers” (Chomsky, 1986). Keywords: argument-adjunct asymmetry, shi-support, Sluicing, LF Copying Theory 1. Introduction Sluicing is an elliptical construction which involves a remnant wh-phrase followed by an empty constituent. Such an elliptical constituent, in the standard assumption, is an IP, and the remnant wh-phrase can escape from being elided in that it has either undergone wh-movement or has been  I am indebted to both Prof. T.-H. Jonah Lin and Prof. Shu-Min Chang for their valuable comments and criticisms. All honors belong to them and all errors are my own responsibility. PACLIC 18, December 8th-10th, 2004, Waseda University, Tokyo - 227 - base-generated in [Spec, CP]. To account for such an escape of wh-phrase, two derivational theories have been generally adopted, those being PF Deletion Theory (Ross, 1969) and LF Copying Theory (CLM, 1995) respectively1. However, Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese is even more complicated since an argument-adjunct asymmetry in this wh-in-situ language is frequently demonstrated by shi-support, and little attention has been given to the point in the current related literature2. In this study, I very boldly but bravely, attempt to explore a little further into such an asymmetry in Mandarin Chinese Sluicing. My analysis is crucially based on CLM’s (1995) insightful analysis of LF Copying Theory. Departing from their analysis in crucial respects, however, I argue that a covert wh-movement also takes place simultaneously with the operation of copying the antecedent IP. In addition, evidence from shi-support will help argue that Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese prefers LF copying rather than PF deletion. As for this, there will be a detailed discussion in the following subsections, and the concept of “barriers” (Chomsky, 1986) will be applied in this study as well …

Content truncated to 500 words