Multiply Quantified Internally Headed Relative Clause in Japanese: A Skolem Term Based Approach

Proceedings of PACLIC 19, the 19th Asia-Pacific Conference on Language, Information and Computation. Multiply Quantified Internally Headed Relative Clause in Japanese: A Skolem Term Based Approach Rui Otake Kei Yoshimoto Graduate School of International Cultural Studies Tohoku University 41 Kawauchi, Aoba-ku, Sendai 980-8576, Japan otake@linguist.jp kei@insc.tohoku.ac.jp Abstract This paper presents an analysis of Internally Headed Relative Clause (IHRC) construction in Japanese within the framework of Combinatory Categorial Grammar (Steedman 2000). Shimoyama (1999) argues that when an IHRC appears within the scope of a universal quantifier, the interpretation of the IHRC exemplifies E-type anaphora and that the LF representation of the IHRC should have a variable bound by the quantifier in the matrix clause. To accommodate this argument Shimoyama posits a free variable of functional type to which the bound variable is applied, and whose denotation is determined by the context-dependent assignment function. However since there is no limit to the number of quantifiers in the matrix clause (and accordingly that of bound variables in the IHRC), the semantic type of the free variable would be highly ambiguous if the IHRC occurs within the scope of multiple quantifiers. The current analysis assumes that the interpretation of IHRCs exhibits an instance of generalized Skolem term (Steedman 1999, 2004), a term whose denotation varies with the value of bound variables introduced by scope-taking operators, but which is interpreted as a constant in the absence of such operators. This paper provides a straightforward account for the semantics of the construction without invoking the complexities of the type ambiguity of free variables. 1. Introduction This paper presents an analysis of Internally Headed Relative Clause (IHRC) construction in Japanese paying particular attention to the effect of quantification on its interpretation. (1) illustrates the basic form of the construction:1 (1) Taroo-ga [Hanako-ga ringo-o muita] no-o tabeta. Taro-NOM Hanako-NOM apple-ACC peeled NML-ACC ate ‘Taro ate the apple that Hanako peeled.’ The bracketed string Hanako-ga ringo-o muita ‘Hanako peeled an apple’ is a clause followed by nominalizer no. The whole NP obtained is marked with accusative particle -o, and is construed as the object of the matrix verb tabeta ‘ate’. Since the verb requires as its semantic restriction that the object be an edible thing, it anaphorically picks up the referent of ringo ‘apple’ from the embedded clause. A brief note on terminology is in order. If we say the antecedent of an IHRC, we mean the referent of the IHRC which functions as the argument of the matrix predicate. And the head of the IHRC refers to the linguistic element in the IHRC which describes the antecedent. So for example, in (1) the antecedent is the apple that Hanako peeled, and the head is the noun ringo ‘apple’. 1 Abbreviations used: ACC = accusative, ALL = allative, CL = classifier, COMP = complementizer, COP = copula, GEN = genitive, LOC = locative, NML = nominalizer, NOM = nominative, TOP = topic. This paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we discuss the interpretational characteristics of IHRC, drawing …

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