Filler-gaps that neural networks fail to generalize

41587

Authors

nan

Abstract

AbstractIt can be difficult to separate abstract linguistic knowledge in recurrent neural networks (RNNs) from surface heuristics. In this work, we probe for highly abstract syntactic constraints that have been claimed to govern the behavior of filler-gap dependencies across different surface constructions. For models to generalize abstract patterns in expected ways to unseen data, they must share representational features in predictable ways. We use cumulative priming to test for representational overlap between disparate filler-gap constructions in English and find evidence that the models learn a general representation for the existence of filler-gap dependencies. However, we find no evidence that the models learn any of the shared underlying grammatical constraints we tested. Our work raises questions about the degree to which RNN language models learn abstract linguistic representations.

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nan

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Proceedings of the 24th Conference on Computational Natural Language Learning, pages 26–40 Online, November 19-20, 2020. c⃝2020 Association for Computational Linguistics https://doi.org/10.18653/v1/P17 26 Neural Proof Nets Konstantinos Kogkalidis and Michael Moortgat and Richard Moot Utrecht Institute of Linguistics OTS, Utrecht University LIRMM, Université de Montpellier, CNRS {k.kogkalidis,m.j.moortgat}@uu.nl, richard.moot@lirmm.fr Abstract Linear logic and the linear λ-calculus have a long standing tradition in the study of natu- ral language form and meaning. Among the proof calculi of linear logic, proof nets are of particular interest, offering an attractive geo- metric representation of derivations that is un- burdened by the bureaucratic complications of conventional prooftheoretic formats. Build- ing on recent advances in set-theoretic learn- ing, we propose a neural variant of proof nets based on Sinkhorn networks, which allows us to translate parsing as the problem of extract- ing syntactic primitives and permuting them into alignment. Our methodology induces a batch-efficient, end-to-end differentiable archi- tecture that actualizes a formally grounded yet highly efficient neuro-symbolic parser. We test our approach on Æthel, a dataset of type- logical derivations for written Dutch, where it manages to correctly transcribe raw text sen- tences into proofs and terms of the linear λ- calculus with an accuracy of as high as 70%. 1 Introduction There is a broad consensus among grammar for- malisms that the composition of form and meaning in natural language is a resource-sensitive process, with the words making up a phrase contributing exactly once to the resulting whole. The sentence “the Mad Hatter offered” is ill-formed because of a lack of grammatical material, “offer” being a di- transitive verb; “the Cheshire Cat grinned Alice a cup of tea” on the other hand is ill-formed because of an excess of material, which the intransitive verb “grin” cannot accommodate. Given the resource-sensitive nature of language, it comes as no surprise that Linear Logic (Gi- rard, 1987), in particular its intuitionistic version ILL, plays a central role in current logic-based grammar formalisms. Abstract Categorial Gram- mars and Lambda Grammars (de Groote, 2001; Muskens, 2001) use ILL “as-is” to characterize an abstract level of grammatical structure from which surface form and semantic interpretation are obtained by means of compositional transla- tions. Modern typelogical grammars in the tra- dition of the Lambek Calculus (Lambek, 1958), e.g. Multimodal TLG (Moortgat, 1996), Displace- ment Calculus (Morrill, 2014), Hybrid TLG (Kub- ota and Levine, 2020), refine the type language to account for syntactic aspects of word order and con- stituency; ILL here is the target logic for semantic interpretation, reached by a homomorphism relat- ing types and derivations of the syntactic calculus to their semantic counterparts. A common feature of the aforementioned for- malisms is their adoption of the parsing-as- deduction method: determining whether a phrase is syntactically well-formed is seen as the outcome of a process of logical deduction. This logical deduction automatically gives rise to a program for meaning composition, thanks to the remark- able correspondence between logical proof and computation known as the Curry-Howard isomor- phism (Sørensen and Urzyczyn, 2006), …

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Labeled Text

AbstractIt can be difficult to separate abstract linguistic knowledge in recurrent neural networks (RNNs) from surface heuristics. In this work, we probe for highly abstract syntactic constraints that have been claimed to govern the behavior of filler-gap dependencies across different surface constructions. For models to generalize abstract patterns in expected ways to unseen data, they must share representational features in predictable ways. We use cumulative priming to test for representational overlap between disparate filler-gap constructions in English and find evidence that the models learn a general representation for the existence of filler-gap dependencies. However, we find no evidence that the models learn any of the shared underlying grammatical constraints we tested. Our work raises questions about the degree to which RNN language models learn abstract linguistic representations.

Publication Details

Paper ID:
41587
Year:
2020
Publication:
TIPSTER
Publication Type:
conf
DOI:
nan